LONDON — For successive Tory governments, the most feared parliamentary tribe was the European Research Group.
For the best part of a decade after the U.K. voted to leave the European Union, the pro-Brexit ERG was by far the most organized of the Conservative Party’s multitude of parliament sub-groups, toppling one prime minister and applying consistent pressure on three others.
The gang has now mostly disbanded after the obliteration of the Tory Party in the 2024 election, which left the Conservatives with just 121 MPs.
But another grouping has fixed its sights on influencing Britain’s relationship with Europe, this time from within the Labour Party — and for the first time since the 2016 referendum, the pro-European side has the upper hand.
“There are more supporters of Brexit in the European Parliament than I sense there are in this [U.K.] parliament of 2024,” said leading Brexiteer Nigel Farage in his maiden speech in the House of Commons. “This is very much a Remainers’ parliament. I suspect in many cases it is really a Rejoiners’ parliament.”
Labour’s benches are stuffed with ardent Remainers, including many who campaigned for a second EU referendum in 2019 amid the Brexit deadlock.
As a result, for the first time in 14 years, Britain’s prime minister will not face internal party pressure for Euroskeptic policies.
Instead, Starmer will feel the heat to bring the U.K. into an ever closer post-Brexit union with the EU.
While the prime minister has promised an EU reset many times, as well as a closer trading and security relationship with the bloc, it is becoming clear his plans may not satisfy many Labour MPs.
“This is not about, as I say, a group of people who are a historical reenactment society wanting to prosecute 2016 and 2019 again, this is absolutely about what our relationship with Europe should look like,” Labour MP Stella Creasy said.
“Within that, yes of course we want to see parliament having a clear role.”
On the move
Creasy is the leader of Labour Movement for Europe, which boasts more than 120 MPs and peers among its ranks.
Keir Starmer will feel pressure to bring the U.K. into an ever closer post-Brexit union with the EU. | Pool Photo by Jack Taylor via Getty Images
The group has been an official affiliate of the Labour Party for some time, although it may now have greater influence than ever before.
It is the repository of Labour’s most vocal Remainers and could prove influential as Starmer tries to navigate a new relationship with Britain’s allies across the Channel.
Creasy will lead a rally for the group on Sunday at the Labour Party Conference in Liverpool, a chance for MPs involved to plot out next steps over glasses of claret.
First up: a desire for a youth mobility scheme with Brussels and for “dynamic alignment” to keep British regulations in line with those of the EU.
A youth mobility deal, which Britain already has with countries like Australia and New Zealand, would allow young EU citizens to live and work in Britain for a certain duration.
The reverse would also be true, with young Brits given expanded working rights in the EU.
Starmer refused to rule out the prospect during a press conference with German Chancellor Olaf Scholz.
POLITICO also reported in July that the Germans are particularly keen on this kind of arrangement, along with a series of other treaties to bring the U.K. closer to the EU.
However, one EU official told POLITICO there appeared to be little appetite within the new British government for such a deal behind closed doors.
They said Home Secretary Yvette Cooper was “extremely negative” when youth mobility was raised in meetings before the election.
This likely flows from concerns about the political impact of higher immigration into the U.K., particularly after the stunning rise of Farage’s Reform Party in July’s election.
Stella Creasy is the leader of Labour Movement for Europe. | Leon Neal/Getty Images
However, Creasy said Starmer should ignore these warnings and plough ahead with a deal.
“What is unreasonable is trying to conflate a youth mobility scheme with immigration — because it’s a very different scheme, it’s not freedom of movement, it’s not unlimited,” she said.
“Do they say that about the Canadians or the Australians or the New Zealanders? This is not a new idea. These are our closest neighbors.”
While Labour has ruled out re-joining the EU’s customs union and single market, some of its MPs believe the U.K. should be set on a long-term path toward these goals.
However, after such a decisive electoral win, Starmer doesn’t need to worry about backbench rebellions for now.
“Have you seen the size of our [174-seat] majority? I don’t think No. 10 will be concerned,” one Labour minister said.
“But I do think it’s true that because we are in such a multi-polar political world now, that MPs will pull in different directions over the next five years depending on their constituency.”
Charles Grant, director of the Centre for European Reform, said vocal pro-European backbenchers probably won’t be as influential as the ERG — despite already having a “rather fraught relationship with the Labour leadership.”
However, he did warn that if the prime minister doesn’t eventually come forward with “big and bold ideas for improving the relationship with Europe … there will be a lot of annoyance and frustration, and then people will get angry or start criticizing.”
What’s to be done?
In the meantime, Labour MPs can expect Starmer to attempt to close a defense and security pact with Brussels and a “veterinary agreement” to reduce red tape for British exports to EU countries.
It is also a government priority to sign multiple deals on mutual recognition of professional qualifications for Britain’s services sectors, which would make it easier for City workers to work in the EU.
“There are more supporters of Brexit in the European Parliament than I sense there are in this [U.K.] parliament of 2024,” said leading Brexiteer Nigel Farage. | Dan Kitwood/Getty Images
SEC Newgate’s Allie Renison, a former adviser to the British government, said the U.K. would need to consider moving toward the EU approach on things like a youth mobility scheme in return for such demands, especially around mutual recognition of professional qualifications.
“If the U.K. were a normal third country a lot of these ad hoc deals might be more feasible,” she said.
“But Brexit happened. The EU may want more of an overarching framework pulled together to encompass a lot of this stuff.”
Brussels may find allies in the House of Commons, as long as it doesn’t call Creasy’s pro-European gang “the new ERG.”
“That’s quite offensive … we’re a very different entity,” Creasy said.
“[Are we] organized? Yes, absolutely. Are we growing? Yes, absolutely. Do we have areas of policy we’re working on? Yes, absolutely.”
Jon Stone contributed additional reporting.
